Belief  /  Explainer

The Post-Trump Crack-Up of the Evangelical Community

Its embrace of an ignominious president is forcing a long-overdue reckoning with the movement’s embrace of white supremacy and illiberal politics.

There are those, such as SBC President J.D. Greear, who insist that the problems of the evangelical community are cultural, not doctrinal; others express regret that the movement has been hijacked by politics in recent years—an idea the media seems to have tacitly accepted. Still others rightly question these framings, noting that there was never a heyday when doctrine, rather than politics, defined the movement, nor when evangelicalism was not synonymous with white patriarchal power. It is precisely because the voices of these latter critics have long been excluded from the narrative-making that so many Americans are startled, along with Moore, by the state of white evangelicalism. In order to comprehend such phenomena as the storming of the Capitol by militarized men waving Christian and Confederate flags, it is imperative to acknowledge the racist, sexist politics undergirding the modern evangelical movement since its foundation—history that those who have controlled the narrative have gone to some lengths to leave out.

There is a new generation of religious scholars doing such corrective history. Anthea Butler wrote her forthcoming book, White Evangelical Racism: The Politics of Morality in America, to redress what she calls the “White Savior” approach to evangelical history: The tendency of media-savvy religious leaders and “insider” academics to illuminate the noble efforts of abolitionists and other do-gooders, while giving little or no thought to evangelicalism’s more incendiary projects. Her book discusses how nineteenth-century missionaries used the gospel to control heathen (that is to say: nonwhite) others; how the SBC was founded in 1845 expressly to protect the interests of Southern slaveholders from the interference of Northern Baptists; and how Southern evangelicals valorized white femininity in order both to justify their abuse of supposedly barbarous Black men and obscure their own sexual violence against enslaved women.

Nowadays, Butler explains, purity culture allows for white evangelicals to disparage Black families who don’t adhere to the two-parent model, while, again, not applying the same moral codes to their own leaders. Butler tells The New Republic that for those who have been “born again,” no scandal is insurmountable: “Like the phoenix, they can rise out of virtually every situation because Christ died for them, but not for other unwashed, unsaved sinners.” (Theologically, white evangelicals do believe Jesus died for all, but this conviction does not always inform their actions.)